From the experience of Jairam Ramesh and Jayanthi Natarajan it would
appear that the reward for any minister of environment and forests who
follows the mandate given to him/her is dismissal from his/her job.
Given that both these persons remain important Congress leaders, close
to its president Sonia Gandhi, the only explanation that seems plausible
for the summary manner in which both were removed is that any attempt
to ask for the basic implementation of environment and forest laws –
which we are also told are among the shining examples of the United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) government’s achievements – makes industry
and its champions extremely nervous. In fact, so nervous that the
“growth-at-any-cost” cabal in government is willing to even disturb the
delicate balance of power between the Congress president and the prime
minister’s office.
Jairam Ramesh was considered a proactive environment minister when
Jayanthi Natarajan was brought in to replace him in order to make the
environment ministry more growth and industry friendly. Her short tenure
was not marked by any major push on environmental issues; rather she
was seen as someone who merely followed the set laws, rules and
procedures for granting environmental clearances for industrial
projects. It is an indication of how environmentally devastating is the
“business-as-usual” model of economic development we follow that even
the most basic adherence to environmental laws leads to howls of
“obstructionist” and “anti-development” from the “growth-at-any-cost”
cabal of ministers and businessmen.
That the UPA government has given charge of the Ministry of
Environment and Forests to its petroleum minister, Veerappa Moily,
marking a clear conflict of interest, makes it an astounding decision,
which also suggests that the symbolism is not accidental. The drubbing
that the Congress received in the assembly elections in the Hindi
heartland earlier last month seems to have impelled the party to push
the panic button. It now does not know whether to seduce the honchos
sitting in the chambers of commerce and industry or to throw more sops
and promises to the
aam aadmi. It seems that this government, in
the last few months of its present term, feels that frenetic activity
would somehow lead to a political reversal of fortunes.
Proaction in public administrative and legislative business would, of
course, do the UPA a world of good; but as our other editorial this
week on the failure, despite repeated promises, to table the Disability
Rights Bill in Parliament points out, the government’s frenetic activity
has not translated into meaningful action on important pending issues.
In this context, Natarajan’s replacement with the petroleum minister
holding additional charge of the Ministry of Environment and Forests
indicates that the UPA is keen to convey the message that environmental
safeguards, which are part of due process and the law of the land, will
not be allowed to hold up “economic growth” and private investment. This
move indicates that the Manmohan Singh government is desperate to send
out the “right” signals to the private sector and big capital.
And, true to the script, among the first reported promises of the new
environment minister was that project-clearance files would leave his
desk by 5 pm the very day they were presented to him; there was no such
promise of upholding environmental standards and safety. Reports also
emerged, within a few days, that the government will allow the
cultivation of genetically modified (GM) food crops. Further, reports
are surfacing that the government plans to give a major push to the
river interlinking project by giving the go-ahead to the Ken-Betwa link
and finalising the detailed project reports of a host of others.
The reason GM food crops had not been given clearance by the
environment ministry till now was because the evidence on this matter,
relating to human health as well as larger ecological consequences, was,
to say the least, inconclusive. In fact, there were major questions
raised about the dangers of introducing GM food crops, given the shape
of agriculture and industry, and subordinate position of consumer rights
in the country. The argument that GM techniques are essential to meet
the country’s growing food needs is dubious; demonstrated solutions for
raising Indian agriculture’s infamous low yields remain unimplemented.
Equally dubious and potentially dangerous is the proposal for river
interlinking. There is so much that has been written to highlight its
clear dangers to the environment, the impracticability of the
engineering and hydraulic solutions proposed, the costs in terms of loss
of livelihoods and the heavy burden on the government exchequer, as
also the international ramifications. Despite such consequences, the
Supreme Court had passed a flawed order, encroaching on the executive’s
domain, to implement the river interlinking plan. Rather than seeking
judicial review of its non-enforceable order, the government under its
fossil fuel driven environment minister is reportedly pushing this fatal
scheme.
It is also apparent now that the government has no intention of
implementing the Kasturirangan report on the Western Ghats either.
Protection of the environment and forests remains one of the important
ways in which the common people can successfully mount a challenge to
the depredations of capital. Environmental protection is at once the
defence of people’s livelihoods as well as of the ecological sustenance
of life itself. To further weaken an already embattled sector is not
only dangerous but ultimately self-defeating even for economic growth.
But, it seems the UPA is exhibiting clear signs of the old adage
Vinash Kale Viprit Buddhi.
